The reasons for independence were multifaceted and the result of both long and short term factors. The pressure from the rising tide of nationalism made running the empire politically and economically very challenging and increasingly not cost effective. This pressure was embodied as much in the activities of large pan-national organisations like the Congress as in pressure from below - from the 'subalterns' through the acts of peasant and tribal resistance and revolt, trade union strikes and individual acts of subversion and violence. With US foreign policy pressurising the end of western imperialism, it seemed only a matter of time before India gained its freedom.
There were further symptoms of the disengagement from empire. European capital investment declined in the inter-war years and India went from a debtor country in World War One to a creditor in World War Two.
Britain's strategy of a gradual devolution of power, its representation to Indians through successive constitutional acts and a deliberate 'Indianisation' of the administration, gathered a momentum of its own. As a result, India moved inexorably towards self-government.
The actual timing of independence owed a great deal to World War Two and the demands it put on the British government and people. The Labour party had a tradition of supporting Indian claims for self-rule, and was elected to power in after a debilitating war which had reduced Britain to her knees. Furthermore, with US foreign policy pressurising the end of western subjugation and imperialism, it seemed only a matter of time before India gained its freedom.
The growth of Muslim separatism from the late 19th century and the rise of communal violence from the s to the virulent outbreaks of , were major contributory factors in the timing and shape of independence. However, it was only from the late s that it became inevitable that independence could only be achieved if accompanied by a partition. This partition would take place along the subcontinent's north-western and north-eastern boundaries, creating two sovereign nations of India and Pakistan. The Muslim League failed to achieve the confidence of the majority of Muslims in the elections of From the late 19th century, some of its political elites in northern India felt increasingly threatened by British devolution of power, which by the logic of numbers would mean the dominance of the majority Hindu community.
Seeking power and a political voice in the imperial structure, they organised themselves into a party to represent their interests, founding the Muslim League in They achieved something of a coup by persuading the British that they needed to safeguard the interests of the minorities, a demand that fed into British strategies of divide and rule.
The inclusion of separate electorates along communal lines in the Act, subsequently enlarged in every successive constitutional act, enshrined a form of constitutional separatism. While there is no denying that Islam and Hinduism were and are very different faiths, Muslims and Hindus continued to co-exist peaceably. There were, however, occasional violent outbursts which were driven more often than not by economic inequities.
Even politically, the Congress and the League cooperated successfully during the Khilafat and Non Cooperation movements in Although Congress strove to stress its secular credentials with prominent Muslim members - for example, Maulana Azad served as its president through World War Two - it is criticised for failing to sufficiently recognise the importance of a conciliatory position towards the League in the inter-war years, and for its triumphant response to Congress's election victory.
The Muslim League advocated the idea of Pakistan in its annual session in , yet the idea did not achieve any political reality at the time. Furthermore, the League failed to achieve the confidence of the majority of the Muslim population in the elections of The lack of confidence in the Muslim League among the Muslim population was to be dramatically reversed in the elections.
The intervening years saw the rise of Jinnah and the League to political prominence through the successful exploitation of the wartime insecurities of the British, and the political vacuum created when the Congress ministries which had unanimously come to power in resigned en masse to protest at the government's unilateral decision to enter India into the war without consultation.
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The creation of Pakistan as a land for Muslims nevertheless left a sizeable number of Muslims in an independent India. The rejuvenated League skilfully exploited the communal card. At its Lahore session in , Jinnah made the demand for Pakistan into its rallying cry. The ensuing communal violence, especially after Jinnah declared 'Direct Action Day' in August , put pressure on the British government and Congress to accede to his demands for a separate homeland for Muslims. The arrival of Lord Louis Mountbatten as India's last viceroy in March , brought with it an agenda to transfer power as quickly and efficiently as possible.
The resulting negotiations saw the deadline for British withdrawal brought forward from June to August Second, are some stereotypes more acceptable than others? That is, are positive stereotypes better than negative ones—the noble savage more acceptable than the ignoble savage? Class discussion of Indian images may also pursue another line of questioning. Granted stereotypes like the noble and ignoble savage and the Vanishing American, who, in particular, believed them—and how do you show that they believed them? Citing a few heavyweight thinkers proves little, and smacks of elitism.
How about ordinary people? What did they think—and how do we know? Here the popular culture of any given period is relevant.
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Today we would look at the electronic media, films, music, etc. At the very least, the sheer pervasiveness of the major Indian stereotypes in popular culture will be a revelation to most students. Given that people held certain views about Indians, So what? How do we prove that those views caused anything in particular to happen in a specific situation? This is the same challenge that has always faced intellectual historians—establishing the link between idea and action.
It is useful to remind students at the outset that ideas are as real as any other historical data. Since history itself is a mental exercise, the historian can hardly deny people in the past a fully active mental life of their own. As a general proposition, what people believe explains what they do. When, for example, Congressmen in the nineteenth century debated Indian affairs and referred to the bloody savage to promote an aggressive policy, or talked about a noble race that had been dispossessed to advocate a humanitarian policy, we can see a belief system at work with direct, practical consequences.
To sum up, historians do not defend what was done in the name of past beliefs.
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They are not apologists or advocates. But historians must labor to understand past beliefs if they would understand what happened in the past. Ideas are often self-fulfilling prophecies: historically, they make happen what they say will happen. And historical stereotypes of the American Indian have done exactly that.
Bird, ed. Overviews of Indian stereotyping in the nineteenth century should be supplemented with case studies such as Sherry L. As can be seen, they have had much to say on the subject of Indian stereotyping.
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A readable, accessible book is Louise K. The image of the Indian in art has been comparatively neglected. Two illustrated essays provide different interpretations.
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Two well-illustrated exhibition catalogs examining relevant issues are Jehanne Teilhet-Fisk and Robin F. Nigh, comps. Boehme, et al. There has been a growth industry in Edward S. Curtis: The Life and Times of a Shadow Catcher is the most substantial of the many Curtis picture books, and students always enjoy looking at his work.
Christopher M. Curtis fired the opening salvo by documenting the ways Curtis manipulated his subjects to create images of the timeless Indian. A critical approach to the Curtis photographs permits access to the ideas behind them. Not surprisingly, the noble savage and the Vanishing American lurk just beneath their appealing surfaces. The perpetuation of Indian stereotypes in the twentieth century will naturally arise in any classroom discussion of nineteenth-century stereotypes. Students invariably turn to film, television, and music as sources for their own ideas, and I have already mentioned the usefulness of a film like Dances with Wolves in stimulating interest.
Consequently, the literature on cinema as a source for Indian stereotypes may prove relevant.
raiboabreakduemen.ml But in bringing the subject of Indian stereotypes in literature and art up to the present, it seems to me useful to end with something else—the contemporary American Indian voice. Besides the gritty, realistic novels of such esteemed Native writers as N. He has also contributed to numerous other volumes and edited or co-authored several volumes on the art and artists of the American West.
To cite this essay: Dippie, Brian W. National Humanities Center. By Ramandeep Kaur. We are the largest democracy in world with emerging scientific, economic and technological superpower. Power cuts in summer happen only in India. Cows, auto rickshaw, buses, cars, scooters and any other mean of transport, all on one road and fighting to stay ahead of each other. We keep our homes very neat and clean but as soon as come on the road we leave all the civic sense and responsibility behind.
Indians complaint a lot and that is why you can feel tension on the face of almost every person in India. Overloaded trucks on highways and cities. It is considered as a sign of disrespect. Diversity is the spice of life, which is found only in India. Nature has blessed India with rivers, forest, mountain, beaches, desert, and backwaters.
Game of chess is a gift by India. India is a peace loving country and so has never invaded any country in the last years of history.